Wednesday, 19 June 2013

What went wrong in African leadership

-->
In the last 500 years ago, Africa’s economic conditions were the same as in other parts of the world. At the beginning of the 1960s, the economic conditions in most of the sub-Saharan countries were even more favorable than those in south East Asian. Today Africa is the poorest content in the world with biggest percentage of natural resources. Why is it like this?- lest find out!

Accountability: It tests on transparency and competition- the right to know and the right to contest. Accountability works through three interlocking channels. In the first, one level or branch of government seeks to hold another accountable. Secondly clients exert power over politicians. The effectiveness of each channel depends on the flow of information and on the power or authority to impose sanctions. Internal accountability relationships may be the judiciary or parliaments check on the executive ( The president and the cabinet) or may be monitoring and audits within the government by ministers or senior officials and bureaucrats- while external accountability is by the people- either of politicians through elections or public debate, or of administrative service agencies through feedback mechanisms or the option to choose.

Transparency: -Access to information by all defines transparency- but most governments in Africa either restrict access to official information or make no effort to publish it widely. In Algeria, the government has at its disposal a body of inspectors to oversee the functioning of public services- For Ugandan case, media centre has got the authority over the information to be published.

Contestability: -  regular, fair, competitive elections are the ultimate mechanism to hold government officials accountable in democracies. But they may need to be reinforced by other measures such as by limiting the number and duration of terms and by allowing multiple candidates through an open vetting process. It was therefore one of the most misguided ideals of all times to lift the five years term limits from Ugandan constitution in order for the president to continue contesting for elections. Now what we see, the only candidate is the incumbent president. Parliaments that have impeachment power and independence judiciaries that have the power to prosecute government officials can promote internal accountability by guaranteeing that no government official is above the law. Auditors-general ombudsmen and official investigative commissions help ensure accountability internally- and various mechanisms of civil society oversight can help ensure accountability externally.

Checks and balances; most parliaments in Africa which have a wide range of powers on paper, generally do not have as much authority in reality as do the executives. Likewise even if the judiciary fairly upholds the rule of law for citizens, the judiciary in Africa lacks the prerogative to question the executive. Look at the incident when the so called ‘Black Mamba’ besieged the court in Uganda- no question has ever come out.

This strong constitutional basis for parliamentary authority is rarely exercised. To find the weakness of African parliaments, one must look beyond constitutions to the legal frameworks for executive accountability. First, that limits the possibilities for parliamentary independence, and for parliaments often lack the resources to hold executive authorities truly accountable. Even where they can establish some independence from the executives, parliaments generally cannot use it to control the legislative process. For instance parliaments may have the authority to approve the state budget, but their review serves as an effective parliamentary oversight of the executive in only few African countries. They have only a short period to review budgets which are often vague and would require intensive work for anyone to ascertain their details. The results; parliamentarians have only limited influence over the outcome.

Oversight by the media and civil society intermediaries; Between the citizen and the government are many intermediaries that channel information to the public or that represent specific interests. Among those, the media act as one of the primary means to achieve external accountability. Despite the global information revolution –social networking channels, The media in Africa remain subject to considerable government controls and restrictions. Some of the gains towards more press freedom achieved in the 1990s have proved to be fragile and easily reversed by government capitalizing on international concerns to combat terrorism.
With a few exceptions, broadcast media in Africa are under state control. Print media are usually freer but often are still highly partisan- And dominant newspapers are often careful not to take positions that could be regarded as excessively independent by the government or the head of state. In Uganda for instance, through the ministry of information/media council controls radio and television broadcasting, even though the country opened its airwaves to a good number of privately owned FM. Radio stations and some few television channels.

Sunday, 13 January 2013

North Korea vows to bolster war defenses

PYONGYANG,  North Korea is vowing to strengthen its war defenses amid concerns the country may conduct a third nuclear test.
Citing U.S. hostility, Pyongyang's Foreign Ministry said Monday without elaborating that the country will "continue to strengthen its deterrence against all forms of war."
A ministry memorandum carried by the Korean Central News Agency urged the U.S. to dismantle a U.N. command that oversees an armistice signed at the close of the Korean War in 1953.
North Korea claims the right to build atomic weapons to protect itself against U.S. threats. Monday's memorandum comes amid worries Pyongyang may follow a December rocket launch with a nuclear test.
Pyongyang carried out atomic tests in 2006 and 2009 weeks after being slapped with U.N. Security Council condemnation and sanctions for similar rocket launches.

Thursday, 10 January 2013


  Foreign Can foreign aid help? 
Edwin sande of UG
Although ideas, goods, investments and people have crossed great distances for millennia in response to a host of economic opportunities, it is only relatively recently that Governments began to provide financial and technical assistance to foreign countries. Low Developed Countries (LDC s) generally receive less than half of total aid because much of the remainder is made up by flows to middle- income countries such as Colombia and Arab Republic of Egypt – and some countries of particular interests- Israel and most recently Afghanistan. Official Development Assistance (ODA) covers a wide range of both financial and non financial components. Cash transfers to developing countries can be vital but currently they account for less than half of the aid that goes to those countries. For instance recent scandal in the office of the prime minister in Uganda can justify this claim. Non financial forms of assistance is desirable under such circumstances and they include grants of machinery or equipments as well as less tangible contributions such as providing technical analysis, advise and capacity building. Donors should have considered much of their aid to the people of northern Uganda in form of non financial assistance. Uganda is an agricultural country- providing farming equipments such tractors would have minimized on these high levels of corruption among Government officials. 

Many donors also count their own administrative costs in their aid budgets as well as contributions to debt reduction and other financial allocations that never reach developing countries. Just as there is considerable heterogeneity in the types of aid disbursed, there is also a surprising amount of diversity in the countries that receive aid. For some countries- such as those in early post- conflict situations or where institutions are particularly weak and corruption is prevalent- technical assistance may have a more positive impact than cash transfers. For instance Rwanda experience a high economic growth rate after 1994 genocide which claimed more than 800,000 people- But in the majority of countries, cash transfers in support of government of programs is most effective in contributing to growth and reducing poverty.
If there is a worst case of geopolitical aims undermining the effectiveness of foreign aid, it may be Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo) under President Mobutu Sese Seko who ruled from 1965 until 1997 when the late L. Kabila with the help of Uganda and Rwandese forces invaded his country. Mobutu was primarily motivated by amassing his own personal fortune, which peaked in the mid-1980 at US$4 billion, even as GNP per capita fell from US$ 460 in 1975 to US$ 100 in 1996. Domestic policies were either nonexistent or bad, and private sources of credit consequently disappeared by the mid 1980s. However with its huge size and strategic location, Zaire was seen as a buffer against the spread of communism in southern and central Africa. Consequently both bilateral and multilateral aid began to fill the gap as private credit dried up. Between 1960 and 2000, donors disbursed more than US$ 10 billion in aid to Zaire, with the bulk of this beginning in the 1980s. 

Failure to pay adequate attention to corruption and wasteful use of funds severely undermined the effectiveness of this foreign aid- indeed total capital flight from the country has been estimated by Ndikumana and Boyce (1998) to be US$ 12 Billion in real 1990 Dollars, and Transparency International estimates that US$ 5 Billion was stolen by Mobutu himself. It would be hard to argue much was achieved in DR.Congo either in economic or social terms as a result of the aid. The result has been increasing skepticism in the donor countries that aid is effective. Well over half of respondents in successive polls believe that aid is wasted as it often was when it was not aimed at poverty reduction. For aid to lead to poverty reduction, three things are necessary;-
  • ·         It must aim for poverty reduction rather than geopolitical of other objectives.
  • ·         It must go to countries where poor people live- Somalia and Ethiopia.
  • ·    It must go to countries whose Governments are committed to the eradication of poverty-Botswana and Rwanda.